An open letter to the people of Egypt

An open letter to the people of Egypt

[English version of a statement issued in Arabic by the Bahá’ís of Egypt dated April 2011]

April 2011

An open letter to the people of Egypt

Our fellow citizens:

      The events of recent months have provided us, the Bahá’ís of Egypt, with an opportunity we have never experienced before: to communicate directly with you, our brothers and sisters. Though small in number, we are privileged to belong to this land wherein, for more than a hundred years, we have endeavoured to live by the principles enshrined in our Faith and striven to serve our country as upright citizens. This chance is one for which we have longed—especially because we have wished to express our thanks to those countless fair-minded, compassionate souls who supported our efforts in the last few years to obtain a measure of equality before the law. But we rejoice primarily in the fact that, at such a critical juncture in our nation’s history, we are able to make a humble contribution to the conversation which has now begun about its future and to share some perspectives, drawn from our own experience and that of Bahá’ís throughout the world, as to the prerequisites for walking the path towards lasting material and spiritual prosperity.

      Whatever directly motivated the rapid change that has occurred, the outcome demonstrates the collective desire of us all, the people of Egypt, to exercise greater control over our destiny. The freedom to do so is unfamiliar to us, having not previously enjoyed this degree of liberty. And our collective history, as Egyptians, Arabs, and Africans, has taught us that there is no shortage of self-interested forces in the world that would prevent us from determining our own future or, alternatively, would invite us to voluntarily abdicate this responsibility. Colonialism, religious orthodoxy, authoritarian rule, and outright tyranny have all played their part in the past. Today, the “gentler” force of consumerism and the erosion of morality which it fosters are equally capable of holding us back, under the pretence of making us more free.

      The fact that, as a people, we have chosen to become actively involved in determining the direction of our nation is a public sign that our society has reached a new stage in its development. A planted seed grows gradually and organically, and evolves through stages of increasing strength until it attains to a state that is recognizably “mature”; human societies share this trait too. At a certain time, dissatisfaction grows within a population at being held back from full participation in the processes that steer the course of a country, and the desire for more responsibility to be ceded to the citizens becomes overwhelming. Set in this context, the events that have taken place in Egypt can be seen as a response to forces that are, in fact, drawing the entire human race towards greater maturity and interdependence. One indication that humanity is advancing in this direction is that aspects of conduct which did not seem out of place in an earlier age—behaviours that resulted in conflict, corruption, and inequality—are increasingly seen as incompatible with the values that underpin a just society. Over time, people everywhere are becoming bolder in rejecting the attitudes and systems that prevented their progress towards maturity.

      The movement towards greater maturity is thus a global phenomenon. Still, it does not follow that all nations and peoples advance along the path at a uniform speed. At certain points, circumstances may converge upon a historically significant moment wherein a particular society can fundamentally re-direct its course. At such times, an expression of collective will can have a decisive and abiding effect on the future of the country. Egypt has arrived at precisely such a moment. It will not last forever.

      At this juncture, then, we face the weighty question of what we seek to achieve with the opportunity we have acquired. What are the choices before us? Many models of collective living are on offer and being championed by various interested parties. Are we to move towards an individualistic, fragmented society, wherein all feel liberated to pursue their own interests, even at the expense of the common good? Will we be tempted by the lures of materialism and its beholden agent, consumerism? Will we opt for a system that feeds on religious fanaticism? Are we prepared to allow an elite to emerge that will be oblivious to our collective aspirations, and may even seek to manipulate our desire for change? Or, will the process of change be allowed to lose momentum, dissolve into factional squabbling, and crumble under the weight of institutional inertia? It might justly be argued that, looking across the Arab region—and, indeed, beyond—the world wants for an unquestionably successful model of society worthy of emulation. Thus, if no existing model proves to be satisfactory, we might well consider charting a different course, and perhaps demonstrate to the community of nations that a new, truly progressive approach to the organization of society is possible. Egypt’s stature in the international order—its intellectual tradition, its history, its location—means that an enlightened choice on its part could influence the course of human development in the entire region, and impact even the world.

      Too often, change brought about by popular protest eventually results in disappointment. This is not because the movement that provided the catalyst for change lacks unity—indeed, its ability to foster unity among disparate peoples and interests is the essential feature that ensured its success—but rather because the realization quickly dawns that it is far easier to find common cause against the status quo than it is to agree upon what should replace it. That is why it is vital that we endeavour to achieve broad consensus on the operating principles that are to shape a new model for our society. Once agreement is reached, the policies that follow are far more likely to attract the support of the populations whom they affect.

      A natural temptation, when considering how our nation should progress, is to immediately seek to devise practical solutions to recognized grievances and acknowledged societal problems. But even if worthy ideas were to emerge, they would not constitute in themselves a compelling vision of how we wish our country to develop. The essential merit of principle is that, if it wins support, it induces an attitude, a dynamic, a will, an aspiration, which facilitate the discovery and implementation of practical measures. Yet a discussion of principles must be prepared to move beyond the level of abstraction. At the conceptual level, it may prove relatively easy to bring about agreement on a set of guiding principles, but without an examination of their ramifications they may amount to little more than empty slogans. An attempt to reach consensus should allow for the most searching exploration of the specific, and profound, implications that the adoption of a particular principle would carry for our nation. It is in that spirit, then, that the following principles are set out.

*

      A mature society demonstrates one feature above all others: a recognition of the oneness of humanity. How fortunate, then, that the most abiding memory of recent months is not of religious divisions or ethnic conflict, but of differences being put aside in favour of a common cause. Our instinctive ability, as a people, to recognize the truth that we all belong to one human family served us well. Nevertheless, to develop institutions, agencies, and social structures that promote the oneness of humanity is an altogether greater challenge. Far from being an expression of vague and pious hope, this principle informs the nature of those essential relationships that must bind all the states and nations as members of one human family. Its genesis lies in the recognition that we were all created out of the same substance by the one Creator, and therefore, it is indefensible for one person, tribe, or nation to claim superiority over another. Its acceptance would require an organic change in the structure of present-day society, a change with far-reaching consequences for every aspect of our collective life. And beyond its societal implications, it calls for a profound re-examination of each of our own attitudes, values, and relationships with others—ultimately, for a transformation in the human heart. None of us are exempt from its exacting demands.

      The ramifications of this fundamental truth—the oneness of humanity—are so profound that many other vital principles, essential for the future development of Egypt, can be derived from it. A prime example is the equality of men and women. Does anything retard progress in our country more efficiently than the persistent exclusion of women from full participation in the affairs of the nation? Redressing this balance will by itself bring about improvement in every aspect of Egyptian life: religious, cultural, social, economic, and political. Like the bird that cannot fly if one wing is weaker than the other, so humanity’s ability to scale the heights of real attainment are severely impeded so long as women are denied the opportunities afforded to men. Once the same prerogatives are accorded both sexes, they will both flourish, to the benefit of all. But beyond the matter of civil rights, the principle of gender equality brings with it an attitude that must be extended to the home, to the workplace, to every social space, to the political sphere—ultimately, even to international relations.

      Nowhere could the equality of the sexes more helpfully be established than in education, which exists to enable men and women of every background to fulfil their innate potential to contribute to the progress of society. If it is to succeed, it must offer adequate preparation for participation in the economic life of the nation, but so, too, it must possess a robust moral dimension. Schools must impress upon their students the responsibilities inherent in being a citizen of Egypt and inculcate those values that tend toward the betterment of society and care for one’s fellow human beings. Education cannot be allowed to be the means whereby disunity and hatred of others are instilled into innocent minds. With the right approach, it can also become an effective instrument for protecting future generations from the insidious blight of corruption that so conspicuously afflicts present-day Egypt. Furthermore, access to basic education must be universal, regardless of any distinctions based on gender, ethnicity, or means. Strategies for harnessing the resources of our nation—our heritage, our agriculture, our industry—will prove fruitless if we neglect the most important resource of all: our own God-given spiritual and intellectual capacities. To prioritize improving the means by which we educate ourselves will yield an abundant harvest in the years to come.

      Related to the topic of education is the interaction between science and religion, twin sources of insight that humanity can draw upon as it seeks to achieve progress. It is a blessing that Egyptian society, as a whole, does not assume that the two must be in conflict, a perception sadly commonplace elsewhere. Indeed, we possess a proud history of fostering a spirit of rational and scientific enquiry—with admirable results in the areas of farming and medicine, to name but two—while retaining a strong religious tradition and respect for the values promulgated by the world’s great faiths. There is nothing in such values that should incline us toward irrational thinking or fanaticism. All of us, especially our younger generation, can be conscious that it is possible for individuals to be imbued with sincere spirituality while actively labouring for the material progress of their nation.

      Our nation is blessed by an abundance of youth. Some amongst us are in education; some are beginning careers or starting families; some, though older, remember what it was like to pass through those stages of life. Reform of the education system will go a long way towards ensuring that the potential of the younger generation to contribute to the life of society is realized; however, by itself, that is not sufficient. Conditions must be nurtured so that opportunities for meaningful employment multiply, talent is harnessed, and possibilities to progress are accessed on the basis of merit, not privilege. Disenchantment will grow if, because of persistent corruption, inequality, and neglect, the efforts youth make to improve the conditions of families, communities, and neighbourhoods are thwarted at every turn. The high aspirations of the young represent a trust that society as a whole—indeed, the state itself—cannot afford, either economically or morally, to ignore.

      This is not to say that youth are in need of special privileges. Much of the dissatisfaction that younger adults have expressed in recent months comes from an acute awareness that they lack equality of opportunity, not preferential treatment. From the conditions faced by the youth and by so many others in our society it is clear that pre-eminent among the principles that should propel the renewal we seek is justice. Its far-reaching implications are at the core of most of the issues on which we must, as a people, agree. And it is from the interplay of the two vital principles of justice and the oneness of humanity that an important truth emerges: each individual comes into the world as a trust of the whole, and the collective resources of the human race should therefore be expended for the benefit of all, not just a fraction. Neglect of this ideal has a particularly destabilizing influence on society, as extremes of wealth and poverty exacerbate existing social tensions and provoke unrest. Measures to alleviate poverty cannot ignore the existence of extreme wealth, for where there are inordinate riches accumulated by the few, the many will not escape impoverishment.

*

      Considered only in the abstract, perhaps few will dispute the essential merit of the principles discussed here. Yet, their implementation would have profound political, economic, social, and personal implications, which render them more challenging than they may appear at first. But regardless of the principles to be adopted, their capacity to imprint themselves on our emerging society will depend in large measure on the degree to which Egyptians have embraced them. For to the extent that all can be enabled to participate in the consultative processes that affect us—so that we tread the path towards becoming protagonists of our own material and spiritual development—will we avoid the risk of our society falling into the pattern of any of the existing models that see no advantage in empowering the people.

      The challenge before us, then, is to initiate a process of consultation about the principles that are to inform the reshaping of our society. This is a painstaking task. To fashion from divergent conceptions a coherent set of principles with the creative power to unify our population will be no small accomplishment. However, we can be confident that every sincere effort invested for this purpose will be richly rewarded by the release, from our own selves, of a fresh measure of those constructive energies on which our future depends. In such a broadly based national conversation—engaging people at all levels, in villages and in cities, in neighbourhoods and in the home, extending to the grassroots of society and drawing in every concerned citizen—it will be vital that the process not move too quickly to the pragmatic and the expedient, and not be reduced to the deals and decisions involved in the distribution of power among a new elite who would presume to become the arbiters of our future.

      The ongoing and wide-scale involvement of the population in such a consultative process will go a long way towards persuading the citizenry that policy-makers have the creation of a just society at heart. Given the opportunity to participate in such a process, we will be confirmed in our newly awakened consciousness that we have ownership of our own future and come to realize the collective power we already possess to transform ourselves.

The Bahá’ís of Egypt

Story in BWNS
Download entire letter (English) in PDF here....
Download entire letter (Arabic) in PDF here....

Constructive Contributions of the Baha'is of Egypt

The Baha'is of Egypt, in their quest to serve their country and to constructively contribute to its betterment and its promising future, have just released a message to their fellow citizens. The message, written in Arabic, can be viewed at the attached site by an Egyptian Baha'i, and is also posted below:

أبريل 2011

رسالة مفتوحة إلى كلّ المصريّين

إخوتنا وأخواتنا في الوطن،

          لا شكّ أنّ أحداث الأشهر القليلة الماضية في مصر قد منحتنا، نحن المواطنين البهائيين، فرصةً لم نعهدها من قبل في أن نخاطب مباشرة إخوتنا وأخواتنا في الوطن. ومع قلّة عددنا، كان لنا حظّ الانتماء إلى هذا الوطن العزيز الذي دأبنا أن نعيش فيه منذ أكثر من قرنٍ من الزمان طبقاً لمبادئ ديننا وقِيَمه، باذلين جهدنا في خدمة بلدنا كمواطنين مخلصين. إنّها فرصة طالما تمنّيناها وفي أعماقنا شكر دفين لذلك العدد الغفير من أصحاب العقول المنصفة والنفوس المتعاطفة التي آزرتنا في جهودنا خلال السنوات القليلة الماضية في سبيل أن نحظى بقسط من المساواة أمام القانون. ففي هذا المنعطف الدقيق من تاريخ أمتنا، تغمرنا البهجة ونحن نرى أن باستطاعتنا أن نقدم إسهاماً متواضعاً في الحوار الدائر الآن فيما يخصّ مستقبل بلادنا، فنشارككم بشيء من وجهات نظرنا من منطلق خبرتنا كمواطنين مصريين وما لدى مجتمعاتنا البهائية في العالم من تجارب، طبقاً لما يستدعيه المضي قُدُماً نحو الازدهار الدائم مادياً وروحياً.

          مهما كان الدافع المباشر وراء هذا التغيير السريع الذي حدث، فإن نتائجه قد دلّلت على أُمنيتنا الجماعيّة، نحن شعب مصر كله، في أن نمارس قدراً أكبر من الحرية في التحكم بمصيرنا. إن ممارسة مثل هذه الحرية لم تكن مألوفة لنا لأننا حُرمنا في السابق من التمتع بهذا القدر منها. لقد علّمنا تاريخنا المشترك؛ كمصريين وعرب وأفارقة، بأن العالم زاخر بالقوى ذات المصالح الذاتية التي بامكانها أن تمنعنا من تقرير مصيرنا أو تدعونا إلى التخلي عن هذه المسؤولية طواعية. ثم إنّ الاستعمار والتّزمّت الديني والحُكْم التسلطي والاستبداد السافر، لعب كلٌّ دوره في الماضي، أمّا اليوم فلا تزال القوة "الألطف" للنظام الاستهلاكي وما يتبنّاه من انحطاط أخلاقي، لقادرة بالمثل على إعاقة تقدمنا بذريعة جعلنا أكثر تمتُّعًا بالحرية المنشودة.

          وكوننا كشعب واحد، اخترنا الانخراط بفعالية ونشاط في تحديد مسار أمتنا، فهو مؤشر شعبي عام بأن مجتمعنا المصري قد بلغ مرحلة جديدة في مسيرة تطوّره. فالبذرة المغروسة تنبت تدريجيًا وعضويًا وتتحول في مراحل نشوئها وتزيد قوتها حتى تبلغ حالة تعتبر فيها "ناضجة". وكذا المجتمعات الإنسانية تشترك معها في هذه السمة المميزة. ففي وقت من الأوقات تنمو مشاعر السخط وعدم الرضا عند شعب من الشعوب نتيجة منعه من المشاركة الكاملة في العمليات التي تقود مسار بلاده، وتصبح الرغبة طاغية لدى المواطنين في أن تتنازل السلطة عن مزيد من المسؤولية لهم في ادارة شؤون بلادهم. في هذا السياق، نرى أن الأحداث التي شهدتها مصر يمكن اعتبارها، في واقع الأمر تجاوباً لقوى تدفع بالجنس البشري قاطبة نحو نضوج أكبر وتكافل أعظم. وواحد من الأدلة الواضحة على أنّ البشرية سائرة في هذا الاتجاه هو أن أوجهًا من السلوك الإنساني الذي كان في الماضي القريب مقبولاً وتسبَّبَ في بعث روح النزاع والفساد والتمييز، نراه اليوم بعيوننا، وبشكل متزايد، يتناقض والقيم التي تسود في مجتمع العدل والإنصاف الذي ننشده. وعليه، أصبح الناس في كل مكان أكثر جرأة في رفض المواقف والأنظمة التي حالت دون تقدمهم نحو النضج.

          إن التقدم نحو حالة أعظم من النضج هي الآن ظاهرة عمّت العالم بأسره، ومع ذلك فإن هذا لا يعني أن كل أمم الأرض وشعوبها تتقدم على هذا الدرب بسرعة متماثلة. فعند مرحلة معينة قد تتلاقى الظروف والأحوال القائمة آنذاك في لحظة تاريخية هامة حيث يمكن لمجتمع ما أن يعدّل من مساره بشكل أساسي. في أوقات كهذه يكون التعبير عن المشيئة الجماعية ذا أثر حاسم ومستدام بالنسبة لمستقبل البلاد. وقد بلغت مصر الآن مثل هذه اللحظة بالذات، وهي لحظة لا يمكن أن تدوم إلى الأبد.

          عند هذا المنعطف الدقيق، نجد أنفسنا إذاً أمام سؤال هام وخطير: ماذا نسعى إلى تحقيقه في هذه الفرصة التي سنحت وحصلنا عليها؟ ثم ما هي الخيارات المطروحة أمامنا؟ فهناك العديد من نماذج العيش المشترك معروضة أمامنا تدافع عنها وتناصرها جماعات من الناس مختلفة ولها اهتماماتها الخاصة. فالسؤال هنا: هل لنا أن نتّجه نحو إقامة مجتمع فرداني ومجزأ، حيث يشعر الكل فيه بأنهم أحرار في السعي في سبيل مصالحهم حتى ولو كان ذلك على حساب الصالح العام؟ هل سوف تستهوينا المغريات المادية الدنيوية وعنصرها الجاذب المؤثر والمتمثلة في النظام الاستهلاكي؟ هل سوف نختار نظامًا يتغذى على العصبية الدينية؟ وهل نحن على استعداد للسماح بقيام نخبة تحكمنا متناسية طموحاتنا الجماعية، لا بل وتسعى الى استغلال رغبتنا في التغيير واستبدالها بشيء آخر؟ أم هل سنسمح لمسيرة التغيير بأن تفقد زخمها وقوة اندفاعها فتتلاشى في خضم النزاعات الفئوية الصاخبة وتنهار تحت وطأة الجمود الإداري للمؤسسات القائمة وفقدانها القوة على المضي والاستمرار؟ وبالنظر إلى المنطقة العربية - وإلى خارجها في الواقع – من المنصف القول إنّ العالم، توّاق إلى العثور على نموذج ناجح بالاجماع لمجتمع جديرٌ محاكاته. ولذا لعله يكون من الأجدر بنا، في حال أثبت البحث عدم وجود نموذج قائم مُرْضٍ، أن نفكر في رسم نهج لمسار مختلف ونبرهن للشعوب بأن من الممكن فعلاً اعتماد نهج تقدمي حقيقي لتنظيم المجتمع. إنّ مكانة مصر الرفيعة في المنظومة الدولية - بما لها من تراث فكري، وتاريخ عريق وموقع جغرافي - يعني كل هذا بأن مصر إذا ما أقدمت على اختيار نموذج متنور لبناء مجتمعها، فلسوف تؤثر على مسار النمو والتطور الإنساني في المنطقة كلّها بل وعلى العالم بأسره.

          في أحيان كثيرة، يسفر التغيير الذي يتأتى عن الاحتجاج الشعبي عن خيبةٍ لبعض الآمال. والسبب في هذا ليس لأنّ الحركة التي ولّدت ذلك العامل الفاعل في التغيير والتحول تفتقر إلى الوحدة والاتحاد، بل في الحقيقة فإنّ أبرز خصائص هذا العامل الفاعل في ضمان نجاحه يتمثّل في قدرته على خلق الوحدة والاتحاد بين أناس تباينت مشاربهم واختلفت مصالحهم. أما خيبة الأمل هذه فتكون بالأحرى نتيجة إدراك أن اتحاد الناس في دفاعهم عن قضية مشتركة ضد أي وضع راهن أسهل بكثير من اتفاقهم على ما يجب أن يأخذ مكانه. لهذا السبب بات من الضروري جدًا أن نسعى جهدنا لتحقيق اجماع واسع في الرأي حول المبادئ والسياسات العاملة على ايجاد أنموذج جديد لمجتمعنا. وحالما يتم التوصل إلى مثل هذا الاتفاق يصبح من المرجح جدًا أن السياسات التي ستتبع ستجتذب وتفوز بتأييد أفراد الشعب الذين تؤثر هذه السياسات على مجرى شؤونهم.

          إنه دافع طبيعي مُغْرٍ، ونحن نفكر كيف يمكن لأمتنا أن تُكمل مسيرتها، أن نبادر فورًا إلى استنباط الحلول العملية لمعالجة المظالم المُسلّم بها والمشكلات الاجتماعية المتعارف عليها. لكن، حتى ولو برزت أفكار جديرة بالاهتمام فإنّها لن تمثل في حدّ ذاتها رؤية ذات أثر فاعل في تحديد كيف نريد لبلدنا أن ينمو ويزدهر. فالميزة الرئيسة للمبدأ هي أنه إذا فاز بالدعم والتأييد فإنه يساعد على اتخاذ المواقف الايجابية، وبعث الفعالية المؤثرة والعزيمة القوية والطموح الناشط. فيسهّل ذلك في اكتشاف الخطوات العملية وطرق تنفيذها. ولكن يجدر بالمشتركين في أي نقاش حول المبادئ، أن يكونوا على استعداد لتخطّي مستوى الفكر التجريدي. ففي مرحلة صياغة الأفكار حولها قد يكون من السهل نسبيًا أن يتم الاتفاق على عدد من المبادئ التوجيهية، ولكنها لن تكون أكثر من شعارات جوفاء إذا لم نُخضِعها لفحص دقيق نستطلع فيه عواقبها المتشعبة وآثارها المختلفة. وينبغي لأيّة محاولة للتوصل إلى إجماع في الرأي أن تساعد على إجراء استطلاع فاحص للآثار الخاصة والأبعاد العميقة المترتبة على اعتماد أي مبدأ من هذه المبادئ بالنسبة لمقدّرات وطننا العزيز. وبهذه الروح اذًا يمكن لنا أن نعرض عليكم بكل تواضع ومحبة المبادئ التابع ذكرها.

*

          تبرز في أي مجتمع ناضج ميزة واحدة فوق كل الميزات الاخرى ألا وهي الاعتراف بوحدة الجنس البشري. فكم كان من حسن الطالع إذًا أنّ أكثر الذكريات رسوخًا في الذهن عن الأشهر القليلة الماضية ليست عن انقسامات دينية أو صراعات عرقية، وإنما عن خلافات نحّيت جانبًا من أجل قضيتنا المشتركة. فقدرتنا الفطرية، كشعب واحد، على الإدراك والإقرار بأننا كلنا في الحقيقة ننتمي إلى أسرة إنسانية واحدة خدمتنا جيدًا وأفادتنا. ومع ذلك فإن إقامة وتطوير المؤسسات والدوائر والبُنى الهيكليّة الاجتماعية التي تعزز مبدأ وحدة الجنس البشري تشكّل تحديًا كبيرًا بكل معنى الكلمة. إن هذا المبدأ القائل بوحدة العالم الإنساني البعيد كلّ البعد عن كونه تعبيرًا مبهمًا عن أملٍ زائفٍ، هو الذي يحدد طبيعة تلك العلاقات التي يجب أن تربط بين كل الدول والأمم وتشدها كأعضاء أسرة إنسانية واحدة. ويكمن أصل هذا المبدأ في الإقرار بأننا خلقنا جميعًا من عنصر واحد وبيد خالق واحد هو الله عزّ وجلّ. ولذا فإن ادّعاء فرد واحد أو قبيلة أو أمّة بالتعالي والتفوق على الغير ادّعاء باطل ليس له ما يبرره. فقبول مثل هذا المبدأ يستدعي تغييرًا شاملاً في بنية المجتمع المعاصر وتغييرًا ذا نتائج واسعة الأثر بعيدة المدى لكل وجه من أوجه حياتنا الجماعية. ويدعو هذا المبدأ، علاوة على ما يخلقه من آثار ونتائج اجتماعية، إلى إعادة النظر بدقة متفحصة في كل مواقفنا مع الآخرين وقيمنا وعلاقتنا معهم. فالهدف في نهاية الأمر هو إحياء الضمير الإنساني وتغييره. ولن يُستثنى أي واحدٍ منّا فيتفادى الانصياع لهذه المطالب الصارمة.

          إن النتائج المترتبة عن هذه الحقيقة الجوهرية - أي مبدأ وحدة العالم الإنساني- عميقة لدرجة أن مبادئ أخرى حيوية وضرورية لتطور مصر المستقبلي يمكن أن تستمدّ منها. ومن الأمثلة ذات الأهمية الأولى على ذلك هي مسألة المساواة بين الرجال والنساء. فهل هناك من أمر يعيق تقدم بلادنا العزيزة أكثر من الاستثناء المستمر للمرأة واستبعادها من المشاركة الكاملة في شؤون بلادنا. إن إصلاح الخلل في هذا التوازن سيقود بحدّ ذاته إلى إدخال اصلاحات وتحسينات في كل مجال من مجالات الحياة المصرية الدينية والثقافية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية. فالإنسانية، مثلها مثل الطائر الذي لا يستطيع التحليق إذا كان أحد جناحيه أضعف من الآخر، فستظل قدرتها على السمو الى أعالي الاهداف المبتغاة معاقة جدًا ما دامت المرأة محرومة من الفرص المتاحة للرجل. فعندما تكون الامتيازات ذاتها متاحة ً للجنسين فإنهما سيرتقيان ويعود النفع على الجميع. ولكن مبدأ المساواة بين الجنسين يجلب معه، بالإضافة إلى الحقوق المدنية، سلوكًا يجب أن يطال البيت ومكان العمل وكل حيّزٍ اجتماعي ومجال سياسي وحتى العلاقات الدولية في نهاية المطاف.

          ولا يوجد مجال أجدر وأكثر عونًا في تحقيق المساواة بين الجنسين من التعليم الذي وجد أصلاً ليمكّن الرجال والنساء من كل الخلفيات الاجتماعية، من تحقيق كامل طاقاتهم وامكاناتهم الفطرية والمساهمة في رقي المجتمع وتقدّمه. وإذا كان لهذا الأمر أن يلقى النجاح، فلا بد من تقديم إعدادٍ وافٍ للفرد حتى يشارك في الحياة الاقتصادية للبلاد، ولكن لا بدّ للتعليم أيضًا أن يخلق بُعداً اخلاقياً متيناً. فينبغي على المدارس أن ترسّخ في أذهان الطلاب المسؤوليات المترتبة على كونهم مواطنين مصريين وتغرس في نفوسهم تلك المبادئ والقيم الداعية الى تحسين المجتمع ورعاية مصالح إخوانهم من بني البشر. ولا ينبغي السماح لأن يصبح التعليم وسيلة لبثّ الفرقة والكراهية تجاه الآخرين وغرسها في العقول البريئة. ويمكن بالأسلوب التربوي الصحيح أيضًا، أن يصبح التعليم أداة فاعلة لحماية أجيال المستقبل من آفة الفساد الخبيثة والتي ابتلينا بها وأصبحت واضحة المعالم في مصرنا اليوم. علاوة على ذلك فإن الحصول على التعليم الرسمي الأساسي يجب أن يكون في متناول الجميع بصورة شاملة دون أي تمييز قائم على الجنس أو العرق أو الإمكانات المادية. وستثبت التدابير التي سوف نتخذها للاستفادة من موارد بلادنا الحبيبة - تراثنا وزراعتنا وصناعتنا - بأنها تدابير عقيمة إذا نحن أهملنا أهم الموارد شأنًا، ألا وهي قدراتنا الروحية والفكرية التي أنعم بها علينا الله عزّ وجل. ولذا فإن وضع سلّم للأولويات في محاولة تحسين الوسائل التي نعلّم ونثقف بها أنفسنا لسوف يجني محصولاً وفيرًا في الأعوام القادمة.

          ومن الأمور ذات العلاقة بموضوع التربية والتعليم مسألة التفاعل بين العلم والدين، المصدرين التوأمين للبصيرة التي يمكن للبشرية الاعتماد عليهما في سعيها لتحقيق التقدم والرقي. ويتمتع المجتمع المصري ككلّ بنعمةٍ تتمثّل بأنه لا يفترض التعارض والتناقض بين العلم والدين، وهو مفهوم غير مألوف في أمكنة أخرى بكل أسف. فنحن بالفعل نملك تاريخاً يبعث على الاعتزاز من حيث الاعتماد على روح العقلانية والبحث العلمي - مما تمخّض عن نتائج تدعو إلى الإعجاب في مجالات نخصّ بالذكر منها الزراعة والطب - كما حافظنا على تراث ديني متين واحترام للقيم التي جاءت بها وأعلنتها أديان العالم الكبرى. فلا يوجد في هذه القيم ما يدفعنا إلى التفكير المنافي للعقل والمنطق أو ما يقودنا إلى التزمت والتعصب. فكل واحد منا، لا سيما جيلنا الصاعد، يمكنه أن يعي أن بالإمكان تشرّب الأفراد بالروحانية الصادقة بينما يجدّون بنشاط في سبيل التقدم المادي لشعبهم.

          لقد بارك الله أمّتنا بأعدادٍ غفيرةٍ من الشباب. فبعضنا لا يزال على مقاعد الدراسة، وبعض بدأ حياته المهنية أو العائلية، والبعض الآخر الذي ربما كان أكبر سنًا لا يزال يذكر ما كانت عليه الأمور عبر هذه المراحل من مراحل الحياة. إنّ إصلاح نظام التربية والتعليم سوف يؤدي الى قطع شوطٍ طويلٍ نحو ضمان تحقيق قدرات الجيل الصاعد في المساهمة في حياة المجتمع، غير أن هذا ليس كافيًا بحدّ ذاته، فلا بدّ من تعزيز الظروف بحيث تتضاعف فرص العمل بشكلٍ جاد ويتم تسخير المواهب، وتصبح امكانية التقدم على أساسٍ من الاستحقاق والجدارة لا التميّز والمحسوبية. وستتزايد مشاعر الإحباط وتتبدد الآمال اذا ما تمّ اعاقة جهود الشباب لتحسين ظروف العائلات والمجتمعات والأحياء بسبب استمرار آفة الفساد وعدم المساواة والاهمال. فطموحات الشباب السامية وتطلعاتهم العالية تمثّل ائتمانًا لا يملك المجتمع ككلّ - وحتى الدولة في الواقع - تجاهله اقتصادياً أو معنويًا.

          هذا لا يعني القول بأن الشباب بحاجة إلى التمتع بامتيازات خاصة، فمعظم الاستياء الذي عبّر عنه الشباب الراشدون في الأسابيع الماضية نابع من وعي حاد بأنهم يفتقرون إلى تساوي الفرص وليس أفضلية المعاملة. ويتضح جليًا من الأحوال التي يواجهها الشباب والكثيرون من أفراد مجتمعنا أن من بين المبادئ البارزة التي يجب أن تدفع سعينا إلى التجدد الذي نبتغيه، هو مبدأ العدل. فالمضامين البالغة الأثر لتطبيق هذا المبدأ وتبعاتها بعيدة المدى إنما هي في صميم القضايا التي يتحتم علينا كأُمّةٍ أن نتفق عليها. فمن تفاعل المبدأين الحيويين للعدالة ووحدة العالم الانساني تبرز حقيقةٌ هامةٌ وهي أنّ: كل فردٍ يأتي إلى هذا العالم إنما هو أمانةٌ على الجميع، وأن الموارد الجماعية المشتركة للجنس البشري يجب أن تتوسع وتمتد ليستفيد منها الكل وليس مجرد فئة محدودة. فالتغاضي عن مثل هذا الهدف وإهماله له آثاره المؤدية بالضرورة إلى زعزعة المجتمع، حيث أن التناقض المفرط القائم بين الفقر والثراء سيؤدي الى استفحال التوترات الاجتماعية القائمة ويثير الاضطرابات. إن التدابير المتخذة لتخفيف وطأة الفقر لا يمكنها أن تتجاهل وجود الثراء المفرط، فحين تتكدس الثروات الهائلة عند قلة من الناس، لا مفرّ للكثرة الغالبة من معاناة الفقر والعوز.

*

          لعلّ قلّة من الناس ستعارض الجدوى الأساسية للمبادئ التي جرى بحثها في هذه الرسالة. ومع ذلك، فإن تطبيقها سيكون له تبعات سياسية واقتصادية واجتماعية وشخصية عميقة تجعلها أكثر تحديًا مما قد تبدو في بداية الأمر. ولكن بغضّ النظر عن المبادئ التي سيتم تبنّيها، فإن قدرتها على ترك طابعها الخاص على مجتمعنا الناشئ سوف تعتمد إلى حدٍّ كبير على درجة تبنّينا نحن المصريين لها واعتمادها. فبقدر ما يتمّ تمكين الجميع من المشاركة في عملية التشاور التي تؤثر علينا حتّى نسلك الطريق لنصبح أسياد الموقف في تقرير مصير تطورنا الروحي والمادي فإننا سنتفادي مخاطر وقوع مجتمعنا في شَرَك أيّ نمطٍ من النماذج القائمة التي لا ترى أيّ جدوى من تمكين الناس وإطلاق طاقاتهم.

          إنّ التحدي الماثل أمامنا إذًا هو في بدء عمليةٍ من الحوار والتشاور حول المبادئ التي سوف ترشدنا إلى إعادة بناء مجتمعنا وهي مهمة تحتاج إلى جهد ومثابرة. إنّ صياغة مجموعةٍ متجانسةٍ من المبادئ - من بين المفاهيم والتصورات المتباينة - لتنطوي على القوة الخلاّقة لتوحيد شعبنا لن تكون إنجازًا متواضعًا. وعلى كل حال، فإنّ بإمكاننا أن نكون واثقين بأنّ كلّ جهدٍ صادقٍ يُبذل لخدمة هذا الغرض سيُكافأ بسخاءٍ عن طريق إطلاق مقدارٍ جديد من تلك الطاقات البنّاءة النابعة من أنفسنا والتي يعتمد عليها مستقبلنا. وفي حوار وطني عريض القاعدة كهذا - يشترك فيه الناس على كلّ المستويات في القرى والمدن وفي الأحياء والبيت ليشمل جذور المجتمع ويجتذب كلّ مواطن مهتمّ - سيكون من الضرورة الحيوية القصوى ألاّ يتحول هذا الحوار سريعًا إلى نقاشٍ عن الجزئيات والمصالح الآنيّة، أو يُختصر هذا الحوار فيتحوّل إلى إبرام الصفقات وإصدار القرارت لتقاسم السُّلطة من قبل نخبةٍ جديدةٍ تدّعي بأنّها الحكم الفاصل في تقرير مصيرنا ومستقبلنا.

          إنّ المشاركة المستمرة لجماهير الشعب - وعلى نطاقٍ واسعٍ - في عملية التشاور هذه ستُقنع، إلى حدٍّ بعيد، المواطنين بأنّ صنّاع السياسة مخلصون في خلق مجتمعٍ عادل. ونظرًا لأن الفرصة متاحةٌ للمشاركة في هذه العملية، فإنّه سيتأكد لنا في صحوة وعينا الجديد بأننا نملك زمام مصيرنا وأننا ندرك معنى القوى الجماعية التي أصبحت مُلكنا فعلاً لتغيير أنفسنا.

إخوتكم وأخواتكم البهائيون في مصر

The Question of Egypt's Constitution

Here is an important piece of news regarding the question of Egypt's Constitution, which has been the subject of controversy recently. Following the recent fall of Egypt's Government, its constitution ceased to be valid. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, however, had appointed a committee to amend the former constitution rather than allow it to fall with the fall of the regime and permit the writing of a new constitution when it is timely to do so. Since recent opinion polls have been predominantly against patching up a flawed constitution, the planned referendum on the proposed amendments is now in question. The semi-official daily newspaper al-Ahram has published the following article regarding this question:

Egypt Military considers postponing constitutional referendum, hold presidential elections first 

In response to strong opposition, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces is considering the postponement of the constitutional referendum, due 19 March, and opting for presidential elections first 

Ahmed Eleiba , Sunday 13 Mar 2011 

Well informed sources have confirmed that there is a strong trend within the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to hold back the constitutional amendment referendum planned for 19 March, after a number of prominent political voices positioned themselves to vote against the amendments. Commenting on this, a source from the Supreme Council said: “Our eyes are on the opinion of the street and the existing political forces in the interest of the country, and if this is the trend among the people, then there is no problem in delaying the referendum." He went on to add, however, "the Supreme Military Council wants to bring an end to its role in governance as soon as possible.”

A government source, who met with the military council to discuss parliamentary and presidency elections, told Ahram Online that “the council is now leaning, though as yet undecided, towards holding the presidential election first, before parliamentary elections, and that the president would take his oath of office before the head of the supreme constitutional court." The elected president, the source said, would then invite a Constituent Assembly to formulate a new Constitution, which in turn would be put to a referendum ahead of parliamentary elections. The source went on to point out that this position came out of a meeting between the military council and the prime minister.

In a poll conducted by the Egyptian cabinet's Information Support Center on Saturday, 59 per cent said they would reject the amendments. Commenting on this, the military source said that he expected more of these polls to resolve the issue finally in the next few days.

In a similar vein, Judge Hossam Mekawy, head of the South Cairo Court and one of the most prominent representatives of the Judicial Independence trend, told Ahram Online “the military council has one eye on the situation in the street and another on the opinion makers among the political and intellectual elite.”

Mekawy pointed out that a vote on the constitutional amendments introduced by a specially constituted committee would, in fact, prove faulty in legal terms. Such a referendum had no legal basis in the 1971 Constitution, which the military had suspended, but which would be revived in the event the amendments were approved by popular referendum, creating a legally anomalous situation. Furthermore, he pointed out, the amendments do not touch on the seeping presidential powers which the 1971 constitution grants the president, and there is no guarantee that a president elected in accordance with that constitution will want to relinquish such powers.

He continued, “there are more problems for the military council studying the process of holding a referendum and elections as the military council are not covered by any article in the 1971 Constitution. The term ‘suspension of the Constitution’ is a legal anomaly and the problem remains that the military council does not have the right to either call presidential or parliamentary elections or name a committee before the Constitution falls completely.”

Mekawy added that, in fact, "the military council overthrew the president, for there is no constitutional or legally binding text that says the president can hand over his powers to the military, which underlines that he was forced to do so.”

Egypt's Youth Display their Creative and Artistic Talent

Egypt's youth show the world their creativity, free spirit, artistic talent and innovation through their Choir Project. The words in this presentation are very telling. Through their expressed idealism and their clearly stated vision of a secular Egyptian State, governed with a policy devoid of partisanship and religious orthodoxy, they indeed give us a glimpse into Egypt's future. They close their song with the now well-known chant: "Raise Your Head High...You are an Egyptian."

Burning of Baha'i Homes in an Egyptian Village Again!

An Egyptian newspaper named Youm Sabeh [7] published an article yesterday reporting on the burning of two Baha'i homes in the Egyptian village of Shawraniyah, located in the southern province of Sohag. These homes, along with three others, were also previously attacked and burned in March 2009, forcing their occupants to flee their village in the middle of the night to save their children's lives. The 2009 incident was previously reported here and here in this blog.

This disturbing news outraged human rights organizations as well as many of those who have been defending the civil rights of the Baha'is, such as the Muslim Network for Baha'i Rights, whose webpage is posted here. Their post states the following:

The Egyptian paper Youm 7 reported yesterday that two homes of Baha’is were set on fire in Shuraniya village, in the Sohag governorate. The group of people responsible for the arson also stole property of the Baha’is.
The arson did not result in human casualties because the owners of the homes had fled Shuraniya and have been living in Cairo since their homes were previously torched in March 2009, fearing additional attacks. 40 Baha’i families from the village fled it following the attacks and are still unable to return to them. While several people were arrested after the previous arson attack, they were later released and no charges were brought against anyone. The March 2009 attack targeted five homes of Baha’is following anti-Baha’i incitement on Egyptian TV.

Clearly, even with the recent revolutionary events in Egypt, promoting an open society that is looking towards a future that will foster adherence to the standards of human rights, equality, tolerance and understanding, Egypt has a long way to go in order for it to achieve a pluralistic society. These hoped-for changes do not happen overnight, but they rather require hard work, determination, tenacity and persistence in order for the Egyptian society to learn how to provide peaceful and respectful environment for all its minorities. Mahatma Gandhi once said: "A nation's greatness is measured by how it treats its weakest members." Egypt's hope is in its youth, those heroic figures that risked everything in order to be able to love and enjoy living in their own homeland. Let us all learn from Egypt's youth and let us be inspired by their vision and aspirations. It is unfortunate, however, that those who would benefit most from these words never get to read them, and if they do, they simply dismiss them out of hand because of their blind hatred that has no basis but for their pure ignorance.

One is left with the conclusion that such rumblings expose the deep-rooted intolerance that can only be attributed to disinformation that has been systemically infused by extremists for several decades. It is unfortunate that those who commit such criminal acts have been driven by blind ignorance, oblivious to reality. Baha'is have always been peaceful, loyal and law abiding citizens of Egypt. They have never harmed anyone, never robbed anyone, never killed anyone, never burned anyone's home, never discriminated against anyone, on the contrary, they have always served their fellow citizens with absolute dedication and devotion. To name a few of their services, they have contributed to the arts, sciences, health care, education and social welfare of their country. It is time for them to live safely and to enjoy their God-given rights and freedoms.

Article-2 of Egypt's Constitution is in Question!

Egypt's Supreme Council of Armed Forces, in its Communique No. 5 following its interim assumption of the country's leadership, suspended the constitution and dissolved both houses of the parliament. Reportedly, it did not, however, suspend Article-2 of the Egyptian constitution which states: "Islam is the Religion of the State. Arabic is its official language, and the principal source of legislation is Islamic Jurisprudence [Sharia]." This article was amended years ago by former President Sadat in his attempt to appease particular segments of the society. [See Egypt's Constitution, under: PART ONE - THE STATE]

The bulk of the revolutionaries, including the Egyptian youth, have been angered by finding out that this Article was not also suspended. They insist that Article-2 contradicts the whole intent and purpose of the revolution. They want to ensure that the revolution does not get hijacked by religious extremism, and want to make certain that the main goal of the revolution remains unchanged, that is: "to provide for a civilian and secular State devoid of any extreme religious ideology, a State that provides equality and fairness to every Egyptian citizen without alienating any minorities or religious groups within the society." They intend to make their case clearly known this Friday.

A New Egypt is Born!

On this new day of freedom in Egypt, the shackles of inequality, injustice, corruption and repression have been removed. It is now time for peaceful transition to a society that guarantees civil and human rights and equal opportunity to all citizens regardless of their background, gender, color, race, belief, religion or any other difference in its diverse communities.

It is time to feed the hungry, house the homeless, elevate the standard of living for the poor, clean up the neighborhoods, educate the children and provide work for the unemployed. It is time to eliminate corruption, improve health care for the poor and needy, bolster the infrastructure, and raise the standard of public education for all. It is time to integrate every Egyptian into the society without leaving anyone behind. This transformation must be now realized in swift and systematic action and not merely in words and slogans. This is the will of the people.

Egypt Freedom Song: the Voice of Freedom

Volunteers cleaning up Tahrir Square

Live Coverage of Current Events in Egypt

Around the clock live coverage of current events in Egypt on Al Jazeera can be seen in English at this link, and in Arabic at this link.

Live Updates and Live Video on BBC (English).

State -run Nile TV (Arabic).

Memorandum to Egypt's Prime Minister from HRO

The following press release is in regards to a memorandum submitted by a forum of independent human rights organizations in Egypt to the Prime Minister, Ahmed Nazif, requesting constitutional guarantees for equality in Egypt.

19 January 2011

Memo to the Prime Minister

Strengthening the pillars of the civil state and achieving equality requires the formation of a commission to include representatives from social sectors denied equality

Press Release

Yesterday the Forum for Independent Egyptian Human Rights Organizations submitted a memo to Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif asking that he form a commission under the cabinet to assume the mission of activating constitutional guarantees for citizenship, equality, and equal opportunity for all Egyptians, regardless of religion, belief, ethnicity, or place of birth.

In its memo, the Forum stressed the need for the commission to include independent figures among its members to represent those segments of society that face discrimination or marginalization, such as Copts, Shiites, Baha'is, Nubians, and Sinai Bedouins, as well as representatives of human rights organizations.

The memo, signed by 14 rights groups, aims to encourage official state efforts to address the sectarian crises that pose a real threat to the coexistence of Muslims and Copts within the framework of respect for equality, the repudiation of discrimination and exclusion, and respect for religious liberties. A clear departure must be made from the current sectarian climate, which is increasingly stoking hatred, bigotry, and religious extremism.

In the memo, the Forum noted that the commission’s mandate should include drafting legal proposals to entrench equality and prevent discrimination, advising on problems resulting from discrimination, and monitoring state institution’s observance of the equal right to build and restore houses of worship and occupy senior positions in state and public institutions, including the security establishment.

The commission should also assess and monitor the performance of investigating and security authorities as they deal with incidents of sectarian tension and violence and their compliance with a single standard of law in handling these cases. In addition, it will monitor and evaluate the performance of the media in confronting religious hatred, and assess and monitor the state as it undertakes a thorough review of academic curricula aimed at elevating the humanistic values common to all religions and faiths and strengthening the values of tolerance and mutual respect between adherents of different religions, faiths, and ideas.

The memo stated that there must an end to arbitrary security interference in the freedom of religious belief, stressing the state’s duty to ensure protection for all individuals to worship and deal transparently with cases of conversion. All forms of harassment and pressure brought to bear on people because of their religion or belief must end.

The memo added that the ability of the state to contain sectarianism and put an end to sectarian violence and tension depends to a large extent on restoring the pillars of the civil state that have been eroded over the past decades as a result of the increasing use and abuse of religion and religious institutions in politics and the public sphere. The Forum urged the state to stop deploying religion in the public and political sphere, which is better occupied in a democratic society by political parties and civil society institutions. The state must also stop using religious institutions to play political roles that go beyond their mandates. Similarly, religious institutions should produce modern religious discourses that reject religious exclusion, extremism, and hatred and promote enlightenment and moderation. The memo encouraged religious institutions to enlist one of their own qualified members to monitor publications they release or any speech for its incompatible with the values of citizenship or incites to religious hatred.

To read the entire memo, see:
http://www.cihrs.org/Images/ArticleFiles/Original/623.DOC
To read the entire press release, see:
http://www.cihrs.org/english/newssystem/details.aspx?id=2748

Signatures
1. Andalus Institute for Tolerance and Anti-Violence Studies
2. Arab Network for Human Rights Information
3. Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression
4. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies
5. Center for Trade Unions and Workers Services
6. Group for Human Rights Legal Aid
7. Hesham Mubarak Law Center
8. Land Center for Human Rights
9. New Woman Research Center
10. The Arab Penal Reform Organization
11. The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement
12. The Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights
13. The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
14. The Human Rights Association for the Assistance for the Prisoners

Is religious designation on ID cards really necessary?

Egypt's Al Masry Al Youm newspaper has recently reported on a prominent Egyptian poet who is leading a campaign to abolish religious designations on ID cards.

Since the introduction of official ID cards in Egypt in 1960, holders of these cards have always been required to state their religion on these documents. A number of excuses for this practice have been propagated by the enforcers of the law, but none of them could be construed as legitimate, particularly in today's society.

To make matters worse, religious designation has led to discrimination in employment and in obtaining basic civil rights, and of course has created a crisis for those who do not belong to the three "recognized" religions in Egypt, many of whom have been left without any identification and have been self-labeled as being in a state of "civil and societal death."

Finally, however, through multiple legal challenges, Baha'is, for example, are currently in the process of obtaining ID cards by having their religion identified with (--) dashes. There still remain barriers to obtaining ID cards for the majority of the adults in the Baha'i community as was described earlier in this blog. Recently, those individuals holding ID cards with (--) dashes designation are beginning to face a new ominous wave of discrimination, having been already "marked" and considered as "undesirables."

Ultimately, Egypt will need to abide by the tenets of international law and civil liberties by eliminating this requirement of religious designation which has always led to conflict and contention. One's religion, when necessary, can always be identified and documented through one's own religious administration and authorities, and not by the State.

This grassroots movement, reported on by the Egyptian media, should be regarded as a very significant development which illustrates the will of the common man of today's Egypt. The authorities must take notice....

Here is the article:

Poet leads campaign against religious designations on national IDs

Mahmoud Ramzy
[Thursday, 6 January 2011]

Representatives of various Egyptian political movements have agreed to launch a campaign aimed at collecting one million signatures in support of the abolition of religious designations on national identification cards.

The idea was first proposed by renowned Egyptian poet Ahmed Fouad Negm in a recent letter to President Hosni Mubarak.

In his letter, Negm also urged the president to expedite a new law governing construction of churches and mosques in an effort to avert sectarian unrest and religious discrimination.

“We're now in the process of choosing the areas in which we'll launch the campaign,” said 6 April opposition movement coordinator Ahmed Maher.

National Association for Change (NAC) member George Isac, meanwhile, said that Negm’s idea had "come at the right time," in reference to the New Year's Eve bombing of a church in Alexandria. “We hope that all opposition movements sign on to the campaign," he added.

NAC coordinator Abdel Gelil Mostafa, for his part, expressed anxiety that the ruling regime might "attempt to thwart the initiative."

Translated from the Arabic Edition.

Egyptians Against Religious Discrimination

Dr. Muhhamad Munir Mugahed, the Executive Director of a registered NGO in Egypt, called Egyptians [Misryioun] Against Religious Discrimination, has recently posted a rebuttal of an article published on 22 December 2010 in Egypt's semi-official newspaper "Al-Ahram" that was intended to belittle the Egyptian Baha'is in their quest for their rights.

The rebuttal was published on 31 December 2010 in an independent daily Arabic news site, promoting equality, justice and progressive human values, named "Modern Discussion."

Because of the vast differences between Arabic and English grammar and vocabulary, the English translation posted below does not do the article justice, but it will provide the reader with the gist of this well thought-out and articulate rebuttal. The original article in Arabic is also linked here....

Religion is for God and Country is for All [a translation]

Al-Ahram newspaper published a strange article by Mr. Ahmed Moussa in his weekly column named "On my own Responsibility" on 22 December 2010, titled "Baha'i is not a religion...!" [The article] stating that “freedom is only for the three heavenly religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, and anything else cannot be regarded as a religion.”

With the exception of the point of view of the Ministry of Interior, I do not understand what he based his strange judgment on.

The word religion from a linguistic perspective means "belief" or "path" as in the [Quranic] verse [referring to unbelievers]: "Unto you your religion, and unto me my religion" (The Unbelievers: 6). Accordingly, disbelief is a religion, the worship of idols is a religion, and any vision related to God is a religion. Of course, people differ in what they consider as a true religion, and even differ within the same religion about what they see as true faith, but this is a personal issue, and it is up to every one of us to resolve this matter for himself and decide what religion is right for him, and what is the true faith for him. No one of us can impose his vision [belief or understanding] on others. And for us, Muslims, God the Almighty has revealed to us "Allah will judge amongst you on the Day of Resurrection concerning that wherein ye used to differ." (Hajj: 69).

Differences in religious beliefs—whether legitimate religions or doctrines—is found among human beings since time immemorial and will continue, but we should not turn this difference into disagreement, discord, and enmity. I am a Muslim, I believe strongly that the religion for Allah is Islam and that who seeks religion other than Islam will not be accepted. But at the same time I realize that there are others in this country and in the world who have contrary religious beliefs that they hold with the same conviction as I do with my own beliefs, and I acknowledge their right to uphold their convictions, and that should not constitute a hindrance in the enjoyment of their rights and personal freedoms, and their full equality with other citizens.

Mr. Ahmed Moussa criticizes Counselor Muqbel Shaker for meeting with a group of Egyptian Baha’is to discuss their grievances and their problems. He says, “these are issues that need the clergy and not civil legislators. This is the foundation of the religious State, because the clergy are the ones who will determine the legitimacy of beliefs of other religions and their rights.” I do not see here a difference between religions, "heavenly" or not. Because all religions do not recognize each other, and the followers of each religion see that the only way to Heaven is their religion or beliefs. Thus, a cleric should not be a judge and jury for other religions. On the other hand, the State has a well-defined role that does not include the admission of citizens into Paradise. Its duty is to protect the rights of all citizens on an equal footing when it comes to belief, manifestation of belief in worship whether secretly or openly, and proclamation—without restrictions or harassment—in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Mr. Ahmed Moussa also criticizes the Baha'is for demanding their rights, including the declaration of their religion in official documents, and the recognition of Baha'i marriage contracts and divorce since the State has no system of civil personal status like in most countries of the world. He advises them "not to be the fork [the instrument] that foreign powers can manipulate to intervene in the matters of our country." This is blaming the victim for crying out about injustice.

If there is a genuine interest in the country's security, Mr. Ahmed Moussa and those who support him in discriminating against citizens because of their differing religions, should have cared to promote the principle of citizenship provided for in the heart of the Egyptian constitution, so that they block any gaps that predators could pass through in their attempts to attack this country, taking advantage of our mistakes which led to violating the rights of our citizens that differ in religion, race, national origin, or political affiliation. Simply to make Egypt for all Egyptians.

Proposed Egyptian law allowing marriage certification for Baha'is

Egypt's Al-Shorouq newspaper reported today that a law is being put forward by Egypt's government-sponsored National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) that would allow the official registration of Baha'i marriages in the State's Authority that deals with certifying all official transactions and registrations. The Authority is named "al-Shahr al-Aqqary."

This proposed law was just announced by Counselor Muqbel Shaker, Deputy President of the NCHR. The law will require an amendment to Article-V [No. 143, 1994] of the Civil Status/Affairs Law which currently does not allow the certification of Baha'i marriages. Presently, Civil [Personal Affairs] Courts certify marriages between couples belonging to the same "recognized religion."

The amendment would require the use of the word "belief" rather than "religion" when referring to the registration of a married couple, using the words "united in belief" rather than "united in religion."

Current official marriage registration with "al-Shahr al-Aqqary" Authority is restricted to only three types of cases, namely, when the couple belong to two separate recognized religions, or to separate denominations/sects within the same recognized religion, or used for registering marriages between Egyptian nationals and foreign nationals. The proposed law would require this "Authority" to eliminate Article-134 which forbids the registration of any marriages where Baha'is are a party to.

The proposed law clearly points out that this step is not a recognition of the Baha'i Faith, but rather a procedural maneuver and an amendment that would allow Baha'is--according to Islam's teachings and laws of non-discrimination & equality--obtain their civil rights by, subsequently, allowing married Baha'is to be granted ID cards (see previous post for details). The NCHR also bases its proposed law on a statement by the leading Muslim clergy, the late Sheikh al-Azhar, Dr. Muhammad Sayyid Tantawi, when he said that "there is no harm and no objection to documenting Baha'is as belonging to a 'belief' [rather than a 'religion']."

This development is surely seen as a positive step forward in the government's efforts to correct the civil status of the Baha'i community in Egypt. Thus, ultimately, providing them with their deserved civil rights that will allow them to be integrated in their society and be of service to their fellow citizens and to their nation.

In Egypt: yes you can have an ID Card, but!

As posted previously, the US State Department's annual report on religious freedom in Egypt stated:

According to Baha'i community members, throughout the first half of 2010 the government implemented the order and reportedly issued more than 180 birth certificates and 50 to 60 national identification cards to Baha'is, all with dashes in the religious identification field. The government, because it does not recognize Baha'i marriage, and there is no civil mechanism for marriage, refused to issue identification documents to married Baha'is, unless they would agree to specify their marital status as "unmarried." According to the government,...

The implications of this status quo are far reaching and quite complex. Since the Egyptian government, thus far, has not developed a mechanism by which to officially recognize Baha'i marriage, any Baha'i married couple, a widow/widower, or a divorced person cannot obtain an ID Card. The reason for this is that the application for the national ID number/ID Card requires the individual to state his/her marital status. If the person is single, then an ID can be issued to the applicant without much delay.

If the person, however, is married or is a widow/widower or divorced, he/she must produce a proof of his/her status. And since the government does not recognize Baha'i marriage certificates, such documents presented by the applicants to the authorities have been systematically refused, declared as non-valid, and the issue of IDs have been denied. Meanwhile, such applicants have been told by the officials that if they wanted an ID, they can, then, lie and state that they are single. On the other hand, the application clearly states that any false statements entered can result in a prison sentence and a fine. Thus, Baha'is have been refusing to misrepresent their marital status on these documents.

Consequently--a year and 8 months past the order of the Minister of Interior to issue ID cards with a dash (-) to those not belonging to the official three religions--an overwhelming majority of the members of the Baha'i community in Egypt precariously continue to struggle in Egypt without identification documents.

One would think that the solution to this issue should be quite simple. There is really no reason to prolong such agony. Just as Baha'is long for an end to their suffering so that they can go on with their daily life, the authorities must also want to put an end to such injustice and rid themselves of the frustrations of having to deal with such convoluted and embarrassing state of affairs.

The Egyptian authorities must find a way to provide the Baha'is with a legitimate documentation of their marital status in Egypt, whether by a civil or by any other method of certification at their disposal. By doing so, Egypt can be seen, again, as a promoter of justice and a champion for human rights. With this outcome, Baha'is can, then, fully participate in the advancement and success of their beloved homeland.

US State Department Highlights Need to Improve Status of Baha'is in Egypt

On 17 November 2010, the United States Department of State issued its annual report on International Religious Freedom. The report highlighted clearly the recent developments in the Baha'i community's struggle in its quest to obtain its full rights. The Baha'i community's principal motive in its quest has always been its longing to be integrated as an essential element in the fabric of the Egyptian society so that its members can contribute fully to their society's well-being.

The report is divided into several segments and covers various complex issues related to religious freedom in Egypt that concern the various religious minorities currently existing in Egypt.

As the focus of this blog is the Baha'is of Egypt, the quotes posted below are specific to this religious community.

Before going to these quotes, however, one must read first what the report states about the reaction of the Egyptian government to an attack on Christians by Muslim extremists in the village of Naga Hammadi (described in details in the full report). The reason for bringing up this example first is to provide a glimpse into how Egypt's government is indeed committed to improve the status of religious minorities and the elimination of religious extremism and sectarian violence. Regarding this matter, the report states:

Following the attack on Christians in Naga Hammadi in January 2010, the government quickly arrested and began prosecution of four Muslim men implicated in the attack. They were charged with premeditated murder. As of the end of the reporting period, the court had ruled on motions, heard testimony from numerous witnesses, reviewed crime scene data, and was scheduled to resume in September 2010.

Following the Naga Hammadi attack, government officials spoke out strongly against dangers posed by sectarianism and discrimination. For example, on January 21, 2010, President Mubarak stated that in a modern civil state "there is no place for those who would incite sectarianism, or who would differentiate between its Muslim and Coptic citizens." On January 24, speaking at Police Day, President Mubarak said: "terrorism, extremism, and sectarian incitement represent the major challenges to Egypt’s national security." On February 28, President Mubarak spoke of the urgent need for efforts by clerics, educational and cultural institutions, publishing houses and the media "to confront the dangers of division, extremism and sectarian incitement." In late January, 2010 the minister of religious endowments sent a group to all governorates in Upper Egypt to engage in a religious awareness campaign and to address Islam’s stance on sectarian violence and strife and the dangers they pose to society’s stability.

Now, posted below are the entire quotes taken from the report which concern the Baha'is of Egypt. For the full report, please follow this link....

The status of respect for religious freedom by the government remained poor, unchanged from the previous year. Members of non-Muslim religious minorities officially recognized by the government generally worship without harassment; however, Christians and members of the Baha'i Faith, which the government does not recognize, face personal and collective discrimination, especially in government employment and their ability to build, renovate, and repair places of worship.

In positive steps, the government issued identification documents to some unmarried members of the Baha'i community;

The number of Baha'is is estimated at 2,000 persons.

Law 263 of 1960, still in force, bans Baha'i institutions and community activities and strips Baha'is of legal recognition. Despite the ban, they are able to engage in community activities such as Naw-Ruz, the Baha'i new year's celebration. During the Nasser era, the government confiscated all Baha'i community properties, including Baha'i centers, libraries, and cemeteries.

The government requires all citizens to be categorized as Muslims, Christians, or Jews on national identity cards. The MOI has, on rare occasions, reportedly issued documents that list a citizen's religion as "other," or that do not mention religion; however, it is not clear when these conditions apply. Baha'is and other religious groups not associated with any of the three recognized religions have been compelled either to misrepresent themselves or to live without valid identity documents.

In 2008 the Cairo Administrative Court ruled in three cases brought by Baha'is that the government must issue official identification documents containing a dash or other mark in the religion field. The court noted that a purpose of filling the religion field with a dash or other distinctive mark was to protect members of the "revealed religions" (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) from Baha'i infiltration and to avoid potential dangers from such persons' conduct and relations with them. The ruling stated that anyone who adopts the Baha'i Faith is an apostate and that the religion cannot be recorded in any civil status or other official document, because that would conflict with public order. But in April 2009 the MOI issued Decree 520 describing procedures for members of unrecognized religious groups to obtain national identity cards with dashes in the religious identification field. According to Baha'i community members, throughout the first half of 2010 the government implemented the order and reportedly issued more than 180 birth certificates and 50 to 60 national identification cards to Baha'is, all with dashes in the religious identification field. The government, because it does not recognize Baha'i marriage, and there is no civil mechanism for marriage, refused to issue identification documents to married Baha'is, unless they would agree to specify their marital status as "unmarried." According to the government, it was attempting to find a mechanism to issue identification documents to married Baha'is that would correctly identify marital status.

Those without valid identity cards also encounter difficulty registering their children in school, opening bank accounts, and establishing businesses. Police occasionally conduct random inspections of identity papers and those found without identity cards can be detained until they produce the document.

While the government complied with court rulings by issuing identity documents with a “dash” for religion to unmarried Baha’i, it continued to refuse to issue marriage certificates. This made it impossible for married members of the Baha'i community to obtain identity documents recognizing their marital status. The government cited its nonrecognition of the Baha'i Faith and the country's lack of a civil marriage mechanism as reasons for the denial.

During the reporting period, the government did not investigate or prosecute the perpetrators of a March 2009 attack on the homes of seven Baha'i families in the village of al-Shuraniya in Sohag Governorate. Muslim villagers, some of them related to the Baha'i villagers, attacked Baha'i houses with bricks and rocks until police dispersed them. On March 31, the attacks escalated when attackers returned and set fire to the homes, forcing the Baha'is to flee.

On July 27, 2009, a Cairo family court awarded legal custody of Aser Usama Sabri, whose parents are Baha'is, to the child's Muslim aunt. The ruling, which came in a lawsuit filed by the boy's grandfather, had no immediate practical effect as the boy and his parents live abroad.

On January 26, 2010, Cairo's Administrative Court rejected a legal challenge filed by private citizens challenging the government's authority to issue identification documents to Baha'is. The government issued birth certificates and national identification documents to some unmarried Baha'is throughout the reporting period.

The US government's policy in reaction to its report is stated as follows:

Section IV. U.S. Government Policy

Religious freedom is an important part of the bilateral dialogue. The right of religious freedom has been raised with senior government officials by all levels of the U.S. government, including members of Congress, the secretary of state, the assistant secretary for near eastern affairs, the assistant secretary for democracy, human rights and labor, the ambassador, and other Department of State and embassy officials. The embassy maintains formal contacts with the Office of Human Rights at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The embassy also regularly discusses religious freedom matters with other government officials, including governors and members of parliament. The ambassador has made public statements supporting religious freedom, interfaith understanding, and efforts toward harmony and equality among citizens of all religious groups. Specifically, the embassy and other Department of State officials raised concerns with the government about the ongoing discrimination that Christians face in building and maintaining church properties despite Decree 291 of 2005; official discrimination against Baha'is; arrests and harassment of Muslim citizens whose religious views deviate from the majority; and the government's treatment of Muslim citizens who wish to convert. During the UN Human Rights Council periodic review of the government's human rights record in February 2010, the U.S. delegation made a number of interventions regarding religious freedom.

U.S. embassy officials maintain an active dialogue with leaders of the Jewish, Christian, Muslim, and Baha'i religious communities, human rights groups, and other activists. U.S. embassy officials investigate complaints of official religious discrimination brought to its attention. They also discuss religious freedom matters with a range of contacts, including academics, businessmen, and citizens outside the capital area. U.S. officials actively challenge anti-Semitic articles in the media through discussions with editors in chief and journalists.

U.S. programs and activities support initiatives in several areas directly related to religious freedom, including funding for programs of the Coptic Evangelical Organization for Social Services that work with Coptic and Muslim community groups, as well as support for NGOs that monitor the country's media for occurrences of sectarian bias.

The U.S. government is working to strengthen civil society, supporting secular channels and the broadening of a civic culture that promotes religious tolerance, and supporting projects that promote tolerance and mutual respect between different religious communities.

The embassy supports the development of educational materials that encourage tolerance, diversity, and understanding of others, in both Arabic-language and English-language curricula.

The embassy facilitated Middle East Peace Initiative (MEPI) grant-making efforts, a number of which promoted religious freedom and interfaith dialogue. For instance, MEPI funded a Christian-Muslim dialogue entitled "Accept Me to Accept You" in Assuit, an area known for communal tensions.

Embassy officials also worked with the Supreme Council of Antiquities to promote the conservation of cultural antiquities, including Islamic, Christian, and Jewish historical sites.

It is hoped that future blog posts will address the essential elements of this report, with further clarification of the current challenges.

The Baha'is of Egypt: Entire Story Researched

If any reader or interested party wants to be fully appraised and well-informed of the whole story of the Egyptian Baha'i struggle, this is the essay to read....

Daniel Perell, then a third year law student from the University of Virginia School of Law, visited Egypt in December 2009/January 2010 as a Cowan Fellow under the auspices of Human Rights Study Project (HRSP). His area of interest was the status of the Baha'is of Egypt and their struggle to obtain their citizenship rights so that they can continue to serve their beloved homeland and contribute to its progress and prosperity.

The Human Rights Study Project met with former U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali during their trip to Egypt. Pictured from left to right are Kristen Voorhees, Jennifer Nelson, Patrick Mott, Ghali (now president of the National Council for Human Rights), Daniel Perell, Lauren Willard, Robert Sherman and Emily Higgs.

All students selected to participate in this project have been required to conduct research on their specific subject and subsequently produce a scholarly paper for possible publication. Daniel Perell's 58 page paper was submitted on 14 May 2010 under the title: The Baha'is in Egypt Fighting for Their Identity.

This paper is so well researched and so professionally written that, to date, one can hardly find any scholarly work on this specific subject that can get any close to this article's superior scientific quality and its comprehensive content. It is a must read!

As this article is no longer available online, its author will provide a hard copy to those who wish to read it. For a copy, you may contact Mr. Perell at: dperellATgmail.com.

The Baha'is in Egypt
Fighting for Their Identity

Table of Contents

Introduction

Part I: The Actors; Egypt and the Baha'is

Egyptian Law and Freedom of Religion
Civil Law
Islamic Law
International Law
The Baha'i Faith
The Baha'i Faith in Egypt

Part II: The Legal Disputes

'Izzat Case
Hindi Case

Part III: Observer Commentary

Egyptian Press
The NGO Community
International Community

Part IV: The Baha'i Perspective

Positive Practical Effects
Remaining Legal Questions
Documentation
Family Law
Social Struggles

Part V: Expanding the Effects

Conclusion
Bibliography
Cases
Legal Authority
Interviews
Miscellaneous

More Scholarly Work on the Baha'is of Egypt

The University of Virginia School of Law conducts a program named Human Rights Study Project (HRSP) which it describes as follows:

The students who participate in HRSP, called Cowan Fellows, journey abroad to study human rights issues in foreign countries. Now in its eighth year, HRSP has sent past members to Cuba, China, Sierra Leone, Syria and Lebanon, India, Uganda and Cambodia. The final results of their work are compiled into research papers that may be submitted for publication. This year’s team traveled to Egypt for three weeks in late December and January, where they studied issues ranging from the right to water to corruption. With a population of 80 million people, Egypt is the largest Arab nation. In some ways, the fellows said, Egypt serves as a model for other Arab countries, which makes examining how they handle human rights all the more important.

The report, posted in May 2010, covered the various human rights issues examined during the group's visit to Egypt last spring. The report also comments on Daniel Perell's work, who was then a third year law student, and who was one of the project's participants that examined the status of the Baha'is of Egypt. It writes:

Third-year law student Daniel Perell examined the rights of Bahai residents of Egypt. People of the Bahai faith prospered in Egypt until 1960, when the government dissolved the religion’s institutions in the nation.

Bahais were not allowed to carry national identification cards, which give citizens access to health care, the right to marriage and even bank accounts. Only three religions were allowed to be listed on the card — Judaism, Christianity and Islam.
In 2006, the Bahais took the matter to the courts, which ruled in 2009 that citizens could have a dash on the card where the religious affiliation was listed.

“This ruling in favor of the Bahais will not only permit them to start their lives, but it will also contribute to the betterment of Egypt as a whole,” Perell said.

Consequent to his work in Egypt, Daniel Perell submitted an elaborate 58 page scholarly article titled, "The Baha'is in Egypt Fighting for their Identity."

This article will be the subject of next post....

Back to Egypt and Back to Blogging

Because of certain unexpected circumstances I have not been able to write in this blog recently. My apologies are sincerely submitted here to the readers of this blog, to those who continue to endure hardships in Egypt, and to all those who have vested interest in the status of the Baha'is of Egypt. I am hoping to be able to write more regularly now and to provide updates on the subject matter of this blog.

Obviously there have been significant developments during the past few months which will be gradually explored during the following few posts, but in order to focus the readers' attention on the matter at hand, without bias, I would like to introduce a recently published scholarly work on the Baha'is of Egypt.

This extensively researched work was done by an independent Italian Scholar (not a Baha'i), named Daniele Cantini, and was recently published in Anthropology of the Middle East, vol. 4: 2 (Winter 2009): 34–51. The article is titled "Being Baha’i in Contemporary Egypt: An Ethnographic Analysis of Everyday Challenges."


Being Baha’i in Contemporary Egypt

An Ethnographic Analysis of Everyday Challenges

Daniele Cantini

Abstract: Following the 2003 reform and the Supreme Court ruling of 16 December 2006, Baha’is of Egypt find it increasingly difficult to have their citizenship rights recognised. This article draws on personal observation and analysis carried out in the context of broader research on Egyptian citizenship. I will introduce the condition of Baha’is in this country, from a historical and legal perspective, before starting an overall analysis of what being an oppressed minority means, in concrete terms, in the practice of everyday living. The article will then delineate how the ambiguities of state policies towards Baha’is are reflected in their daily lives.

Keywords: Baha’i, citizenship, Egypt, minority, religion, state policies
______________________________________________________

In order to read the entire article, please go to this link....